57 These universalist tendencies already implicit in the concept of 'inalienable rights' is accentuated by the break-up of the English and Spanish imperial systems, with their unities of language, their common enemies, and (in the case of Spanish America) their contiguous terrain. The Frankish Empire so rapidly extended its sway that, for a period, it re-established the unity of the west, but it 10 Ernest Renan was irreparably shattered around the middle of the ninth century; the partition of Verdun 4 outlined divisions which were in principle immutable and, from then on, France, Germany, England, Italy, and Spain made their way, by often circuitous paths and through a thousand and one vicissitudes, to their full national existence, such as we see it blossoming today. It's giving that oil a brand name like Quaker State and being able to call it to your attention at a time like this, when your car needs extra care. . 'The twentieth century since 1945 has become the first period in history in which the whole of mankind has accepted one and the same political attitude, that of nationalism. Literature Nationalism's other? . But the fixity inevitably appears in the very features of the amorphous. 'Pioneers! Romance, then, is not only the generic brand of nineteenth-century American fiction, as Jehlen points out. The civil Imaginary is an attempt to order what Steele calls 'the uncontrollable jumble of Persons and Things' in that society.12 Thus its purpose is in part ethical in the Foucaulchan sense. 139-42. Its flag flutters in the wind created by the toxic gases produced by your stomachs which are choked up like sewers. var cookiePair = cookie.split('='); I know of no doctrine which is more arbitrary or more fatal, for it allows one to justify any or every violence. }, . Nancy Choderow and Dorothy Dinnerstein, among others, assume what the tradition of political philosophy suggests, namely that our hierarchical public behavior is in large measure determined by our training in gender-coded relationships at home. A few years later, in the preface to the first volume of the Annie Sociologique, where Durkheim had of necessity to impose a division between history and sociology, he returned to his criticism of Fustel. ), The Writer in Australia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 206. In all countries, he argues, the manner of showing respect to one's superiors is different this is done in one country by bowing, in another by kneeling, in a third by prostration, in a fourth by removing the hat. In what other circumstances, one might well ponder, have writers colluded with such progressive social planning for writerly purposes? For the difficulty of the task is determined by the fact that when one no longer regards nationalism negatively, when one stresses politics against culture, and when, thus, one finds oneself unable to treat names such as 'literature', 'nationalism', and most of all, 'culture' itself as if they connect unproblematically to the production of discourse, then one is again in the situation that Said describes. thoroughly English' as Hazlitt will say.10 Little here remains of radical patriotism. As his own reviewer, Whitman describes his 'working the muscle of the male and the teeming fibre of the female throughout his writings, as wholesome realities' (Critical Heritage, p. 37). The primitive Aryan, primitive Semitic, and primitive Touranian groups had no physiological unity. In the realm of words also, he is able hegemonic posture is in fact one of openness 189 of will and purpose; the destiny is the American to contend that a covertly and accommodation: Great is the English speech . Bhabha, in his preface, writes 'Nations, like narratives, lose their origins in the myths of time and only fully encounter their horizons in the mind's eye'. T. Shapcott, 'Multicultural literature and writing in Australia', in Delaruelle and Karakostas-Seda, op. Gaul, Spain and Italy, prior to their absorption by the Roman Empire, were collections of clans, which were often allied among themselves but had no central institutions and no dynasties. . Even those 'ethnics' who do write in English are in a handicapped situation. At the time of the French Revolution, it was commonly believed that the institutions proper to small, independent cities, such as Sparta and Rome, might be applied to our large nations, which number some thirty or forty million souls. What in fact did the German peoples accomplish, from their great invasions in the fifth century AD up until the final Norman conquests in the tenth century? I want, therefore, to contrast Renan's Germanism with an intellectual tradition which rejected Germanism in all its forms. I was asking for something savage and luxuriant, and behold here are the aboriginal names. Examples of the persistence of this motif might be found, for instance, in the controversial role of the terms 'Africa' in the writing of the Nigerian author Chinua Achebe, or 'America' in the essays of the Cuban patriot Jose Marti. ibid., (1895), vol. (Those fears do indeed surface often in the debate around multiculturalism and the suppressed term here is 'assimilation'.) Again echoing The Oxford History, Jose takes issue with a tendency to mythologize which he discerns in many Australian writers. 118 Sneja G u n e w 27 ibid., p. 23. If the policies pursued by the House of Capet by and large resulted in the grouping together, under the name of France, of the territories of ancient Gaul, this was only because these lands had a natural tendency to be joined together with their fellows. 548. The American and French declarations duly formulate a confusion between the names of their respective nations and postulated universal 'rights of man', on the basis of which they have felt able to play the legislator the world over.36 The idea of the nation is inseparable from its narration: that narration attempts, interminably, to constitute identity against difference, inside against outside, and in the assumed superiority of inside over outside, prepares against invasion and for 'enlightened' colonialism. And this riposte to Du Bos and others is not a simple nationalistic reflex. More important to my purposes: writings carrying this system of ethics take the form of letters, memoirs, travellers' tales, club papers, histories. (19) The nation's 'coming into being' as a system of cultural signification, as 2 Homi K. Bhabha the representation of social life rather than the discipline of social polity, emphasizes this instability of knowledge. However, the French, unlike the English, whose history was glossed in a more Burkean manner than Thierry, for example, would have allowed, lost their way long before the French Revolution. var stylesheet = document.createElement("link"); Contents Introduction It, INVENTING THE NATION General Editor: Keith Robbins Myers' projection attributes to the 'savage' an incomprehensibility that conveniently obscures the inequality of the colonial relationship, while pretending to thank the 'native' for a quality that, under the conditions of a developing world, could only hinder him. The Germanic invaders of Roman Gaul, the Franks, were depicted, through selective quotation from Tacitus, Caesar, and others, as a fierce, liberty-loving (but monarchical) Christian people, that had created a fresh civilisation in the midst of imperial decadence. There would seem, for instance, to be a contradiction between the profoundly anti-Germanist nature of his studies of the early history of France and the Aryanist groundswell of The Ancient City. P. Skrzynecki, 'First day at school', The Polish Immigrant (Brisbane: Phoenix Books, 1982), p. 2. Before French, German, or Italian culture there is human culture. There follow two examples designed to illustrate the excesses of the political behaviour of the Cardinal de Richelieu: I have often heard praised the action of the Cardinal de Richelieu who, wanting to pay over 2 millions in Germany, had a German come to Paris, sent the 2 millions to one of his men, with an order to give them, without a receipt, to a man with no name, of such-and-such dress and appearance. 15 Fredric Jameson, ' O n magic realism in film', Critical Inquiry, vol. Their extra-literary debates, like their novels, cast particular social interests into clearly identifiable actors. And I take it as axiomatic that in order for us to describe the meaning of a picture, of the kind which relates different aspects of it into a statement about its significance, there has to be available a discourse in terms of which that meaning can be described. This is a structural fact to which there are no exceptions and 'in this sense, it is an exact (not a rhetorical) statement about nationalism to say that it is by nature ambivalent'. Another problem was how Argentines could maintain political power while encouraging foreigners to make fortunes. 3 Multiculturalism . 2478. For instance, the most interesting accounts of the national idea, whether they come from the Tory Right, the Liberal high ground, or the New Left, seem to concur on the ambivalent tension that defines the 'society' of the nation. 46 Juan Bautista Alberdi, Las Bases y Puntos de Partida para la Organization Politica de la Republica Argentina (1852), in Tulio Halperin Donghi, Proyecto y construction de una nation (Argentina 184680), pp. 49 Jose Marmol, Amalia (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1978), p. 96. For alongside the discourse of civic humanism in Britain, there was another language of value, provided by the discourse of custom, of the customary: a discourse which largely because of the nature of the English legal system, of common and customary, as opposed to civil law was thought to have a peculiar authority in England, and to attribute a value to Englishness which it attributed to the character of no other nation. At thirteen, stumbling over tenses in Caesar's Gallic War, I forgot my first Polish word. D. D. Raphael and A. L. MacFie (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 13 One of the most famous: so it is quoted in full, A. D. Hope, 'Australia' (1939, The Penguin Book of Australian Verse, ed. Prudent people write such letters in code. They deliver themselves up to the force of their images: theirs are experiences preternaturally unmoored from subjectivity. It is from such narrative positions between cultures and nations, theories and texts, the political, the poetic and the painterly, the past and the present, that Nation and Narration seeks to affirm and extend Frantz Fanon's revolutionary credo: 'National consciousness, which is not nationalism, is the only thing that will give us an international dimension'. Others have emphasized the creative side of nation-forming, suggesting the cultural importance of what has often been treated as a dry, rancorous political fact: 'Nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness; it invents nations where they do not exist. Just think what's going to happen when that idealist has the monarchists, Anglophile insurgents of Canudos at his mercy,' he said in a gloomy voice . 30 A. Paolucci and L. Dobrez (eds), Review of National Literatures: Australia, vol. .' These are important points which I simply state here and they lead us at once to ask: what is one defending against the encroachments of cultural, economic, military imperialism if not a culture? The amount of drinking the people do is phenomenal. .' . But the nationalist mood is, aesthetically as socially, more strongly felt in the emergent societies of the world today, including those ethnic or regional breakaways on the European continent itself (Basque, Irish, Albanian, and so forth). The 'culture' represented by the white intruders was thus consistently opposed to a 'nature' designated hostile (a nature which included the original Aboriginal inhabitants who were not so much colonized as systematically exterminated along with other obstacles in the path of white colonization). In a handicapped situation thoroughly English ' as Hazlitt will say.10 Little here remains of radical patriotism particular social into... 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